Bhumjaithai Party Claims Sufficient Support to Form New Government

On the 9th, Thailand’s Constitutional Court ruled to remove Prime Minister Paetongtarn from office due to ethical misconduct. This verdict not only dealt a heavy blow to the Shinawatra family’s political landscape, but also quickly ignited a new round of tense power struggles, signaling that Thailand may be entering a new period of turmoil. On the evening of the 29th, Bhumjaithai Party leader Anutin declared that he had secured sufficient support to form a new government.

Analysts point out that Thailand may face a new round of political deadlock. Any government led by the Pheu Thai Party will find it difficult to obtain a stable majority and could face street protests and parliamentary challenges at any time, while the opposition is actively pushing for early elections.

The removal of Paetongtarn exacerbates the already tumultuous situation amidst stalled reforms and economic stagnation, plunging Thailand’s political arena back into uncertainty.

According to the constitution, when the prime minister’s tenure ends, all cabinet members must also step down. The House of Representatives is responsible for electing Thailand’s next prime minister. Former Deputy Prime Minister Phumtham has taken over as caretaker prime minister and will lead the remaining cabinet members in their caretaker duties until the new cabinet takes office.

Analysts believe that the current ruling coalition, which holds only a slim majority in the House of Representatives, lacks an outstanding candidate to succeed as prime minister, so parliament may need several rounds of voting to select the new prime minister.

Currently, prime ministerial candidates must first be nominated by at least 50 MPs, and win more than half of the 492 seats in the House of Representatives—namely 247 votes—to be elected.

Parliament to Convene Special Session in Early September

Parliament has announced a special session from September 3rd to 5th, but has not yet clarified whether a prime ministerial vote will be held.

Public attention has quickly turned to the choice of successor. There are five potential candidates, with Pheu Thai Party offering only one: 77-year-old former attorney general Chaikasem, but he has limited political experience and has long maintained a low profile. Other popular candidates include former prime minister Prayut, who staged the 2014 coup that overthrew the Pheu Thai government, and Bhumjaithai Party leader Anutin.

Hours after the court’s ruling, Bhumjaithai Party—which had left the ruling coalition following the phone call incident—quickly became a favorite to form the next government. Over the past days, party leader Anutin has courted various parties, promising that, if a new government is formed, parliament will be dissolved and fresh elections held within four months. On the night of the 29th, he declared he had secured enough votes to form a new government.

Anutin said, “This will be a government that serves the people, finds a way forward for the nation, and returns power to the people.”

After winning the parliamentary election in May 2023, Bhumjaithai Party joined the coalition government, with Anutin serving as Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Interior. Following Paetongtarn’s ‘phone call gate’ incident in mid-June, Anutin led Bhumjaithai Party out of the coalition.

On the 29th, the Constitutional Court ruled by a 6 to 3 majority for Paetongtarn’s dismissal.

Paetongtarn has become the fifth prime minister in 17 years to be removed by the Constitutional Court, highlighting the court’s central role in Thailand’s persistent political deadlock.

According to Napong Jatusripitak, a visiting fellow with the Thailand Studies Programme at Singapore’s ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute, Constitutional Court decisions often align broadly with the interests of the establishment.

This stems from the court’s identity and composition. Napong said, conservatives regard the court as a “moral vanguard, protecting Thailand’s pillar institutions from what they deem excessive democracy.”

“This identity—rather than principles of rule of law—has become the main foundation of the court’s legitimacy and justification for intervening in Thai politics,” he said.

Napong also stated that most current and former judges have been appointed or had their terms extended by conservative governments led by the military. “This means the court’s rulings tend to protect vested interests, something now embedded in its very DNA.”

111 Parties Dissolved in Total

Since its establishment in 1997, the Constitutional Court has dissolved 111 political parties, many of which were popular pro-democracy parties.

Among them, three dissolved parties were either founded by Thaksin or associated with him. For example, in 2007, the Thai Rak Thai party was dissolved, and a year later, the People Power Party was also dissolved, with the court ruling that both parties had engaged in election fraud.

Care-taker Prime Minister Phumtham said after Paetongtarn’s dismissal that the ruling coalition remained united and that Pheu Thai Party was confident of forming a government and retaining its core position.

Phumtham attended the press conference with several coalition partners. He said the prime ministerial candidate would be nominated as soon as possible, but did not reveal any names.

The People’s Party declared it would not join the government, but would support other parties seeking to form one, on the condition that before the next election, they strive to amend the constitution and resolve the border dispute with Cambodia.

The People’s Party’s conditions also include the new prime minister dissolving parliament within four months of delivering his policy statement.

People’s Party leader Nattapong stated that the court’s ruling had no positive or negative effect on the party, and that no agreements had yet been reached with any parties. If in the future a party seeking support cannot muster a majority, it must accept the above conditions.